शुक्रवार, 30 जुलाई 2010

सूचना एक्सप्रेस की एक सूचना...

According to the NATIONAL DISASTER MANAGEMENT AUTHORITY, NDMA had incurred expenditure on publicity of awareness campaign on Disaster Management as under:-

(a) Full page advertisement in Hidustan Times on occasion of release of colour supplements in respect of National Guidelines Medical Preparedness and Mass Casualty at total cost of Rs.6,19,631/- in financial year,2006-07.

(b) Publication of advertorial on the occasion of 2nd Asian Ministerial Conference held on November 7-8,2007 on Disaster Risk Reduction in Times of India: Special News paper supplement at a total cost of 50,75,877/- in the financial year-2006-07.

(c) Public awareness campaign on earthquake Disaster through department of post at a total cost of 1,26,49,000/- in Financial Year 2007-08.

(d) Publishing an advertisement on the occasion of release of National Guidelines on Biological Disaster Management of NDMA at a total cost of Rs.21,51,865/- in Financial Year 2008-09

(e) Publishing an advertisement on the occasion of release of National Guidelines Management of Nuclear and Radiological Emergencies schedule to be release on 24/02/2009 at a total cost of Rs. 30,00,000/- in Financial Year 2008-09.

सूचना एक्सप्रेस की एक सूचना...

The Heir

सूचना एक्सप्रेस की एक सूचना...

गेल (इंडिया) लिमिटेड से प्राप्त सूचना के मुताबिक 2006 में ‘महासुरक्षा योजना’ के विज्ञापन पर कुल 4,18,22,903.71 रूपये खर्च किया गया।
Clash of the Titans [Blu-ray]

गुरुवार, 29 जुलाई 2010

सूचना एक्सप्रेस की एक सूचना...

समाज कल्याण विभाग (मुख्यालय), बिहार सरकार के उपसचिव ‘मृत्युंजय गुप्ता’ द्वारा सूचना के अधिकार अधिनियम-2005 के तहत प्राप्त सूचना के अनुसार इस कार्यालय द्वारा सूचना के अधिकार अधिनियम-2005 पर समाज कल्याण विभाग (मुख्यालय) में सूचना सह जन-शिकायत कोषांग में अनुबंध के आधार पर नियुक्त कर्मी के पारिश्रमिक भुगतान पर मात्र 2,08,459 रूपये (दो लाख आठ हज़ार चार सौ उनसठ रूपये) व्यय किया गया है।
Clash of the Titans [Blu-ray]

मंगलवार, 27 जुलाई 2010

सूचना एक्सप्रेस की एक सूचना....

ज़िला ग्रामीण विकास अभिकरण रोहतास कार्यालय, सासाराम के अनुसार महात्मा गांधी राष्ट्रीय ग्रामीण रोजगार गारंटी अधिनियम के प्रचार-प्रसार पर अब तक 71,892/- रूपये खर्च किया गया। साथ ही नोखा प्रखंड में 2006-07 की 10 योजनाओं में ‘अखिल भारतीय शिक्षित बेरोज़गार युवा कल्याण संस्थान’ को 15,15,734/- रूपये और चेनारी प्रखंड में 9,35,227/- रूपये की राशि एन.जी.ओ. को दी गई।
The Girl with the Dragon Tattoo

सोमवार, 26 जुलाई 2010

सूचना एक्सप्रेस की एक सूचना....

पर्यटन मंत्रालय, भारत सरकार से प्राप्त सूचना के मुताबिक वर्ष 2004-05 में 26.19 करोड़, वर्ष 2005-06 में 56.07 करोड़, वर्ष 2006-07 में 60.17 करोड़, वर्ष 2007-08 में 64.11 करोड़ तथा वर्ष 2008-09 में 65.00 करोड़ की राशि विज्ञापन पर खर्च की गई है।
The Heir

गुरुवार, 15 जुलाई 2010

NREGA: Bihar spends Rs 35 lac on ad, training in one district

By Mumtaz Alam Falahi, TwoCircles.net,

Patna: While India’s biggest ever rural employment guarantee scheme – popularly known as NREGA – is not getting impressive results from Bihar, one of very poor states in the country, an official document discloses the state government has spent about Rs 35 lakh in one district alone on advertisement of the scheme and training of the concerned personnel.

The Rural Development Department of Samastipur district, which is implementing National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme in the district, has spent Rs 15,55,872 on advertisement of the scheme from 2006-07 to 2009-10. This is not all.

The same department held a training program for the newly recruited personnel for implementation of the scheme following a letter in this regard from the Rural Development Dept, Bihar Govt. For the one-month long training program (08/10/07 to 07/11/07), the Samastipur administration hired the services of 22 NGOs for management of lodging and food for the trainees. On this training alone Rs 18,70,000 was spent.

Moreover, the department hired the services of three NGOs to conduct photography during the training. On the photography, the government spent Rs 1,43,280. 

These all information was accessed through an RTI petition by Delhi-based 22-year-old veteran RTI activist Afroz Alam Sahil.

This is the case of just one district. One can guess what would be happening in the entire state.

मंगलवार, 13 जुलाई 2010

Nitish Govt spends huge sum on Bhagalpur panel, victims hapless

By Mumtaz Alam Falahi, TwoCircles.net,
Patna: While several thousand victims of the Bhagalpur riot, now living a miserable life, are awaiting proper compensation, the Nitish Kumar Government of Bihar is spending huge public money on the one-member Bhagalpur riot enquiry panel that he set up four and half years ago.
The Bhagalpur Communal Riot Judicial Enquiry Commission that Nitish formed on 26th February 2006 was given six-month time period for a report on the 1989-90 communal riot in the handloom town of Bihar. The Commission took one and half years for an Interim Report that it submitted on 28th August 2007. The final report is yet to come even three years have passed after the Interim Report. Meanwhile, the Commission has been consuming about Rs 3 lakh per month. In the first three and half years since formation, the state government has spent about Rs 1.5 crore on the panel. Will it turn out to be another Liberhan Commission?
Responding to an RTI petition filed by Delhi-based activist Afroz Alam Sahil, the Bihar Government in its letter dated 27th October 2009 says that Rs 1,44,83,000 has been spent on the salary and other perks of the staff of the Commission. But what is the condition of the riot victims? Have they got compensation from the state and central government properly?
The Interim Report recommended compensation to the Bhagalpur victims like the 1984 Sikh riot victims – Rs 3.5 lakh as ex-gratia from Centre and Rs 2500 monthly pension from State besides other facilities. “This interim report is submitted to the State Government, so that the Central Government may be moved for announcing/allowing similar package to the 1989-90 Bhagalpur Communal Riot. The remaining part of Inquiry Report would be submitted in due course,” the Commission wrote in the Interim Report.
Acting on the recommendation, the Central Government released Rs 29.89 crore in two installments for the Bhagalpur victims. “But the state government of Nitish Kumar sat on the amount for nine months. They woke up only when we disclosed in a press conference about the central fund to the state for the purpose,” said Abu Qaisar, president of United Muslim Front.
Now the district government is not distributing the amount among the victims properly, he adds. “The state government has also not acted fully on the Interim Report. The report asked the government to pay pension to 844 victims, but only 300 are being paid the monthly pension of Rs 2500. And for the last six-seven months that pension has also stopped,” he informed.
The first commission had identified 1981 victims but the new commission of the state government has included only 844 victims. “They have not counted the missing persons even though the law clearly says that missing persons of such situation will be considered dead after seven years,” he says. Moreover, no effort has been made to employ the family members of the riot victims as the Sikh Riot package says.
“For family members of killed persons in the riot, special employment drive should be taken up to employ them in Central/State govt services – this is part of the package of Sikh riot, but not implemented in Bhagalpur case,” Qaisar says.
Recently he has moved Patna High Court for fourth grade job to the family members of the victims, citing a February 2000 Bihar Home Secretary order.
Qaisar played active role in ensuring 1984-like compensation for the Bhagalpur victims. He sent his lawyer to argue the case before the Nitish Govt panel of enquiry – which the Commission admitted in the Interim Report as well. “Sri Waliur Rahman, learned advocate for Muslim United Front argued that the compensation paid to the victims were inadequate and they should be paid compensation at the same rate, which was paid to the victims of 1984 Riot by the Central Government,” says the report.

सोमवार, 12 जुलाई 2010

सूचना एक्सप्रेस की एक सूचना...

ज़िला ग्रामीण विकास अभिकरण कार्यालय, पटना के अनुसार महात्मा गांधी राष्ट्रीय ग्रामीण रोजगार गारंटी अधिनियम के प्रचार-प्रसार पर अब तक 14,72,075/- रूपये (चौदह लाख बहत्तर हज़ार पचहत्तर रूपये ) खर्च की गई है।

सूचना एक्सप्रेस की एक सूचना...

According to the NATIONAL DISASTER MANAGEMENT AUTHORITY, Capacity Building & Training, NDMA had incurred Expenditure on the occasion of release of ‘National Guidelines- Management of Floods’ at Andhra Bhawan, New Delhi as under:-
(a)        Full page advertisement was published on 17/01/2008 in ‘The Times of India’, Patna at a cost of 34,454/- and

(b)         Full page advertisement on 17/01/2008 in ‘Navbharat Times’, Delhi at a cost of Rs.1,89,749 i.e. a Grant total of Rs.2,24,203/- during the year 2007-2008.

गुरुवार, 8 जुलाई 2010

समस्तीपुर बिहार में मनरेगा के कामो का ब्यौरा..

Kindle Wireless Reading Device, Free 3G, 6" Display, White, 3G Works Globally - Latest Generation

सूचना एक्सप्रेस की एक सूचना...

ग्रामीण विकास विभाग, तेघड़ा प्रखंड (बेगूसराय) के अनुसार महात्मा गांधी राष्ट्रीय ग्रामीण रोजगार गारंटी अधिनियम के तहत अब तक योजना मद में खर्च 3.52 करोड़, कर्मचारियों के वेतन मद में 0.12 करोड़ तथा इसके प्रचार-प्रसार पर अब तक 90,000/- रूपये खर्च की गई है। 

 Kindle Wireless Reading Device, Free 3G, 6" Display, White, 3G Works Globally - Latest Generation

सूचना एक्सप्रेस की एक सूचना....

  बिहार राज्य विद्युत बोर्ड, पटना, बिहार के सूचना पदाधिकारी अरूण कुमार सिंहा (दूरभाष सं.- 0612-2504650) द्वारा सूचना के अधिकार अधिनियम-2005 के तहत प्राप्त सूचना के अनुसार इस कार्यालय द्वारा सूचना के अधिकार अधिनियम-2005 के अन्तर्गत प्रशिक्षण हेतु 40,425/- रूपये तथा इसके प्रचार-प्रसार हेतु समाचार पत्रों में नोटिस पर 14116/- रूपये 60 पैसा का व्यय किया गया है।

मंगलवार, 6 जुलाई 2010

Salman Khurshid on Muslim leadership, Batla House encounter

By Yoginder Sikand, TwoCircles.net,

Salman Khurshid, Congress MP from Farrukhabad, heads the Union Ministry for Minority Affairs and the Ministry for Corporate Affairs. An alumnus of Oxford, where he also taught law and jurisprudence, he has twice headed the Uttar Pradesh Congress Committee. Mr Khurshid is also a creative writer and has recently penned ‘Sons of Babur’, a play based on the life and times of Bahadur Shah Zafar and the 1857 War of Independence. In this interview with Yoginder Sikand, he talks about the Indian Muslim leadership, the infamous Batla House encounter and ‘Islamic’ banking, among other issues relevant to contemporary Muslim life in India.
What do you feel should be the priorities of Indian Muslim leaders? What are the problems that they face in putting forward Muslim concerns?
Firstly, one needs to distinguish between the political and religious leadership of Muslims. One also needs to distinguish between the Muslim political leadership of north India and that of other parts of India. There are other differences among the Indian Muslims, which makes any generalisation of their situation difficult. The term ‘Muslim leadership’ is often used to reiterate the worst stereotypes about Muslims and their leaders. As such, this is a vague term and is responsible for a lot of confusion. So when you want to study the impact or role of Muslim leadership, you should be clear about which segment of Muslims, under the influence of which particular type of leadership, you are talking about. Take any school of Muslim thought and you would find that there are no two groupings among the same school of thought that agree on all theological interpretations. So, to visualize Muslims as just a monolithic religious group makes for a lot of confusion.

[Photo by Telegraphindia]

Articulation of demands, concerns and interests by leaders is a crucial issue, and I must say that the Muslim political class in general does not know how to articulate Muslim concerns, particularly in the face of the resolute refusal of many people—even those who are well-educated—to recognize the fact that every social segment of Muslims has genuine problems that need to be addressed. We all know about the conservatives among Muslims, but every community is plagued by conservatives, who refuse to recognize that there is a need for reform in certain attitudes and laws relating to their respective communities. The fatwas of the Khap panchayats are a recent example of the presence of arch-conservatives amongst some Hindus living right next door to New Delhi. Muslim ‘liberals’, or ‘progressives’ as they are called, also have an agenda and a straightjacket definition of everything, and the worst victim of this is liberal thought itself. And, of course, there is tension between canonized ‘liberals’ and conservatives; since the conservatives live amongst the ordinary Muslims and the liberals do not step out of the confines of their cozy, upper class drawing rooms and air-conditioned conference rooms, the conservatives have a clear edge over the ‘liberals’ as far as influence over the vast majority of Muslims is concerned. Of course, there is no gainsaying the fact that the understanding of the liberals about the Muslims in India is also very superficial.It is often alleged that Muslim leaders—or the political class—have not adequately taken up issues related to Muslim economic and educational empowerment, preferring to harp on identity-related emotive issues instead. Do you agree?
In the first place, the Muslim political class is ill-equipped to undertake the kind of reforms people have in mind for the simple reason that when we talk of ‘reforms’ or ‘empowerment’, we either have the model of the West in mind or, at best, we have the empowerment of ‘backward’ Hindus in mind. The virulent opposition of some non-Muslim forces, particularly some self-professed secular elements and the so-called ‘liberal media’, to any measures for Muslim empowerment, particularly on the lines of the recommendations of the Sachar Committee and the Ranganath Mishra Commission, clearly shows that it is not the Muslim political class but some among the Hindus who have an agenda to see that the Muslims remain backward. And there is an obvious internal clash of interests in the case of Muslim attempts at empowerment of Muslims. I think the issue needs to be understood as a question of a group that wants to lead its life in a particular way, and judged as being ‘right’ or ‘wrong’ by individuals external to that group and thus labeled accordingly. This can be very problematic.
It is often alleged that Muslims suffer from a leadership crisis in general in India. Do you agree?
If Muslims are not capitalizing on equal opportunities in life because of various reasons, they are also, of course, suffering on account of their leadership as well—that is very obvious. Usually, a minority leadership emerges in either of two ways: by being aggressive and dissident, or else by being somewhat sycophantic and pliant. In the first case, you are too deep-rooted in the community to be crushed, because of which the state and the ruling elite have to deal with you or confront you at the cost of social conflict. In the second case, you are simply too pliant and can easily be co-opted, but in this way you are of no use to your community as you simply cannot deliver on its aspirations. As I see it, Muslim leadership needs to emerge from within the community, but this is not possible until general awareness about social issues and the impact of modern education increases. To simply think in terms of the Maulana Azad and Rafi Ahmad Kidwai kind of leadership is also not wise as they were the products of their clime and time. Now, only a leadership that conforms to contemporary standards and challenges will serve the purpose. As a matter of fact, both Maulana Azad and Rafi Ahmad Kidwai emerged naturally from within the Muslim community, but not without encouragement from non-Muslim political forces. In this way, they were neither aggressively dissident nor sycophantic, pliant or excessively dependent on external forces. Today, we seem to completely lack such Muslim voices in the political arena that can articulate Muslim issues without either being, or at least appearing to be, aggressive or being supinely dependent on existing political parties. Most Muslim leaders today are, by and large, rootless and lack organic links with their community. Many of them are from established political families, handpicked by various political parties for their ability to garner Muslim votes.
You used the word ‘handpicked’. Do you want to say definitively that Muslim political leaders are not really representative of Muslims and are simply there because they have been selected by their political parties?
Well, I guess you are right to a large extent. There is a real absence of an organically-developed political Muslim class, rooted in the community and organically-related to it---that is the reality of contemporary politics.
Almost all Muslim organizations that claim to represent Muslims—the various jamaats and tanzeems—are led and controlled by maulvis of various sects. Why is this so?
The ulema have a say as far as matters of religion are concerned, but otherwise they are not very influential. As far as north India is concerned, Muslim organizations have done little by way of social work after the Partition, so they have no influence on or utility for most Muslims. What these organisations or tanzeems do is that they capitalize on their liaison with ulema and bargain with political parties. These tanzeems and jamaatsjamaats and tanzeems seriously. For many of these, their politics is simply business. you refer to have never been able to deliver anything to Muslims. They survive simply because the Congress or some other ruling party occasionally talks to them for political posturing. During the period of BJP rule, many of these sought to curry favour with it. No one really listens to these
One often hears Muslims lamenting the wide gulf or stark dualism between the maulvis of the madrasas on the one hand and secular-educated Muslim political leaders and intellectuals on the other. What do you feel about this?
There is no doubt that Muslims, in India and even at the global level, are in the throes of an intellectual crisis, and the phenomenon of dualism that you refer to is an illustration of that predicament.
Almost all Muslim leaders—whether of the various jamaats and tanzeems or elected politicians—are from the so-called ashraf (Syeds, Shaikhs and Pathans) while the vast majority of the Indian Muslims are from a so-called ‘low’ caste background. I recently read somewhere that around 40% of the Indian Muslims belong to just one particular caste—the Ansaris. Yet, ‘low caste Muslims continue to be heavily under-represented in leadership roles. What do you have to say about this?
In principle, you are right but I am not sure about the accuracy of your figures. I think it is crucial for Muslims from the deprived biradaris to be nurtured as leaders, though here again it is important that this should not simply result in a new elite with its own vested interests.
Why don’t middle-class Muslims then seek to take up leadership roles?
In the first place, the Muslim middle class is too small in size and if you want to compare its mindset with the mindset of the Hindu middle class you have to examine a number of factors, which has not been done so far. What we have are just notions and assumptions about the Muslim middle class. What the Sachar committee has determined on the basis of data available to it is the fact that the Muslim middle class is almost non-existent. Like the middle-class in every other community, what the Muslim middle class seeks is good education, meaningful jobs or earning opportunities and respectable relations with people of other communities. This is a pragmatic attitude. Its constituents know that 90% of the things that they want are the same as those non-Muslim middle-class wants. They do not believe that the jamaats and tanzeems can deliver the goods. For the remaining 10% of things that they might additionally want, such as Islamic education, for instance, they don’t need to approach the jamaats and tanzeems—they can pay a maulvi to come to their homes to teach their children the Quran and Urdu, and would not insist, as some jamaats and tanzeems do, that the Quran be taught in schools or that Muslims send their children to only those schools where there is provision for studying the Quran. On the whole, the Muslim middle-class, like its counterparts in other communities, is not particularly interested in issues affecting their poor coreligionists. Its members are busy in the pursuit of a comfortable life in India and abroad and remain uninvolved in agitations and controversies. They may discuss community-related issues in their drawing rooms on weekends or on Internet groups but prefer not to come out on the streets to agitate about issues that supposedly affect them.
The maulvis of the madrasas do exercise a major influence on Muslim opinion and attitudes. How does one get them to take up grass-roots concerns, related particularly to the educational and economic empowerment of Muslims, and to become more socially-engaged?
We need to identify such maulvis who are going beyond a limited range of religious or identity-related concerns and are also talking of issues like modern education, inter-community dialogue and women’s rights. It is crucial that they are brought together so that they can promote a more progressive Islamic discourse on religious matters. Here, I refer to those maulvis who have a progressive outlook in interpreting Islam. It is important that they speak out on religious issues from an enlightened Islamic perspective. If I, as a non-maulvi, were to do that, I would readily be branded as ‘aberrant’ or even worse, but if a widely-respected maulvi were to do so, it would not be so easy to pin any adverse label on him.
Muslims and Islam suffer from increasing demonization in the media. What role have Muslim organizations played in addressing this issue? What do you have to say about their media policies?
There is no Muslim media as such representing different segments of Muslims. Of course, there are newspapers and Internet groups claiming that they represent Muslims, but these are directly or indirectly sponsored by different Muslim religious organizations and, in some cases, by certain political groups. So their impact is limited to the followers of that particular religious ideology or particular group. By and large, Muslim religious organisations lack articulate persons who can deal with the national—or you might say the non-Muslim—media. Strictly speaking, the non-Muslim media in India is not a ‘Hindu’ media. It might be said that it is run by people who profess a religion other than Islam. It consists of successful media houses that are professionally managed, and there is not a single name amongst these successful media houses owned or run by non-Muslims about whom you could say that it is propagating the RSS agenda or that of any other organization. True, some elements of the Hindi media of north India might be communal, but this does not necessarily mean that they are followers of the RSS. There is much that needs to be done to counter the demonization of Muslims and Islam in the media but it should be done in a professional way and this is not possible until modern education becomes a dominant factor among Muslims.
How do you gauge the performance of the Ministry of Minority Affairs that you presently head?
Regrettably, ours has yet to become a genuinely people’s ministry. It is, as of now, largely a cheque-book ministry, limited essentially to handing out grants to build schools or disburse scholarships. I hardly have any people coming to the ministry to interact with me on political issues.
About the Batla House encounter and other similar incidents. Is it not the case that the targeting of Muslims, particularly the youth, on charges of terrorism is further isolating the community? Scores of perfectly innocent Muslim youth have been picked up by the police and interrogation agencies, tortured and imprisoned. There is also talk of fake encounters, resulting in the killing of innocent Muslims. This is happening even in states ruled by the Congress party. For instance, many people believe that the Batla House killing was a fake encounter. What do you have to say about this? And your views about the reaction of a senior leader like Digvijay Singh on Batla House after his visit to Azamgarh.
As far as the enquiry part of the Batla House encounter is concerned, that is closed after the Supreme Court judgment and I would not like to comment on it. But there are certain issues which we can discuss against the backdrop of this particular case. We should not forget that civil society in India does not, in general, believe the police version about an encounter and we have gone through a debate about the role of the police in civil society. Lengthy legal proceedings are also available on the issue of police encounters.
Mr Digvijay Singh’s visit to Azamgarh brought a number of issues relating to Muslims in sharp focus. Among these were some which you have referred to, such as consolidating the proceedings of pending cases against Muslim youth in Batla House kind of situations in several states for expeditious judicial disposal.
On a personal note: You attended a conference on what is called ‘Islamic banking’ in Malaysia a few weeks ago but before going there you told the Indian press that you have bank accounts and insurance policies. Does that mean that you don’t support the notion of ‘Islamic banking’ personally?
Both my act and statements reflect the spirit of democracy. As Minister for Minority Affairs in the Government of India, my presence at the conference made sense and my statement about operating bank accounts and investing in insurance policies reflects practical realities. Unless Islamic banking provides answers for daily needs and practical problems, even Muslims will be reluctant to subscribe to it in India. It is, however, good that a debate has been initiated on the theme. This will bring all aspects of Islamic banking into sharp focus. In India, the discussion on Islamic banking is limited mostly to the issue of interest, which is termed as haraam, though reforms in the banking sector have gone far beyond the issue of the word ‘interest’ in a narrow sense. This debate has been initiated and sustained by those who subscribe to the concept of ‘pan-Islamic mobilization’. Interestingly, the debate ignores the existence of a number of Muslim dominated banks which are charging interest. Such banks can be found in all cities where Muslim population is substantial. Islamic banking in India would require an amendment to the Banking Regulation Act, which is not possible unless there is consensus on this idea in a secular country like ours. So, unless Islamic banking provides answers to all the questions, people will not buy the argument for Islamic banking in the present context. For Islamic banking to adjust with the prevalent banking system in India is a very difficult task. But for a healthy democracy, we have to debate every public idea and by debating the issue of Islamic banking we are also involving Muslim ideological groups in the democratic process. For me, this is a positive sign as we should welcome any idea that strengthens democracy.
Salman Khurshid can be contacted on sk_tipu1951@yahoo.com

No Mercy

The Girl with the Dragon Tattoo

सोमवार, 5 जुलाई 2010

सूचना एक्सप्रेस की एक सूचना....

ज़िला ग्रामीण विकास अभिकरण, लखीसराय, बिहार के सहायक परियोजना पदाधिकारी द्वारा सूचना के अधिकार अधिनियम-2005 के तहत प्राप्त सूचना के अनुसार कार्यालय द्वारा मनरेगा योजना अधिनियम के प्रचार और प्रसार मद से 25000/- रूपये (पचीस हज़ार रुपये) खर्च किए गए हैं।