By Soroor Ahmed, TwoCircles.net,
With due acknowledgment of Ghulam Mohammad Vastanwi’s contribution in the field of education in Gujarat and Maharashtra, one needs to remind him, that no country in the 20th century developed as fast in the six years period, between 1933 and 1939, as Adolf Hitler’s Germany. And in the next six years––between 1939 and 1945––all what he did was destroyed because of the senseless war in the world, for which he too was largely responsible. About five crore people perished and his country, and many others, were thrown back to the Stone Age.
So, before opening one’s mouth on development, one needs to understand, what development actually means––who are the beneficiaries and who the victims. One should also be cautious of the pitfalls of development and be aware of the policies which may, in the long-run prove counter-productive.
Maulana Ghulam Mohammad Vastanwi at a Madarsa in Bihar last year [Photo by Jamiatulqasim.com] Not only that: in the 21st century world, one just does not need to understand the definition of development from an MBA––Vastanwi has that degree––when renowned scholars and Nobel Prize winners are coming out with entirely different meaning of the term. By their yardstick, Wastanvi’s Gujarat may be ranked among the least developed states. Why go so far. According to India State Hunger Index 2008, Gujarat is shockingly ranked worse than Orissa. Gujarat is ranked 13th in the 17 big states which were calculated. Vastanwi’s Gujarat, is only above Jharkhand, Bihar and Madhya Pradesh, which are globally equal to the hunger situation in Ethiopia.
Hold your breath and listen: in this post-industrialized, computerized and mechanized world, a region, state or a country with less number of industries is categorized as developed. The service sector expands very fast there; the people rely on organic farming and want to live in pollution free environment in the rural suburb. Instead they are trying to shift all the iron ore, aluminum, asbestos, chemical, ship-breaking plants etc as well as other poison emitting factories to elsewhere in the world, especially in Asia and Africa, where labor is cheap and rulers have no regard for environment. Our leaders grab such industries with both hands to boast before the people that look we have brought so much Foreign Direct Investments (FDI).
Vastanwi’s Gujarat and Maharashtra are among the few states which are the ‘beneficiaries’ of these so-called investments. When new concept about development is coming up, we are still categorizing those states as developed ones, which have maximum number of poison-gushing chimneys. We are not at all ashamed to say that almost all of those 16,000-odd farmers, who are officially committing suicide in our country every year (since 1997 when the compilation of data started), come from these very industrialized states––Maharashtra topping the list. In contrast Jammu and Kashmir has almost negligible farmers’ suicide rate.
These states have industries because here semi-arid land is available and can be easily acquired from the farmers. In contrast farmers of West Bengal, Bihar and east Uttar Pradesh, where the land is extremely fertile would lay down their lives for every inch, whatever be the compensation. Because of this reason and not because of Narendra Modi, Nano got land easily in Gujarat while West Bengal failed in spite of so much bloodshed.
In contrast, the governments of these industrialized states have done little for the survival of their agriculture sector; therefore, the farmers are either committing suicide or famishing.
To know, how the concept of per capita income, growth rate etc are becoming less relevant in measuring the overall development of any place, one does not need to read big philosophical books of great scholars written on development. Just go through the CBSE Class-X book of Economics. Why Kerala is rated high on developmental index than Punjab, though the latter is agriculturally, even industrially and per capita income wise, ahead of former? This is simply because the definition of development by the United Nations Development Programme is more acceptable now than the old one of the World Bank.
Vastanwi must understand that his talent lies in running institutions and for this very purpose he was appointed as the Rector of Darul Uloom, Deoband.
But being a public figure he will have to understand that politics is a different ball game, for which he, and honestly speaking, many of our Muslim clerics are perhaps not suited. He must understand some basic facts about his own state and should not go about equating it with others abruptly. Being a state with largest coast, Gujarat as well as Maharashtra attracted largest number of big European companies in late 19th and early 20th centuries. Larsen and Toubro, Unilever, WIMCO, Britannia, Siemens and many others landed up on their ports and so was the first railway line, laid between Thane and Bombay.
The entrepreneur culture in Gujarat developed in 19th century itself and man like Abdullah took Gandhiji to South Africa. So far entrepreneur culture is concerned; Gujarat can never be compared with other hinterland states of India.
So, even according to his own definition, whatever development had taken place in Gujarat, is not any thing new. In fact, under Narendra Modi the growth rate––if this is again used as the lone yardstick of development––is less than in early 1990s, when there was no Modi around.
Two decades back, the growth rate of Gujarat was something between 12 and 13 per cent. The national average was six to seven per cent then. Today, Gujarat has the growth rate of 11 per cent when India’s rate of growth is 10 per cent. This is not the figment of anyone’s imagination but the official fact.
Vastanwi will have to understand that the saffron brigade is master in changing goal-post. Since Modi is responsible for what has happened in Gujarat in 2002, he is now being painted as the man of development. The media machinery of the BJP works overtime to project their chief ministers as the developmental-minded ones, even if men like B S yeddyurappa is out to ruin Karnataka, which owes its development to the non-BJP rulers.
Instead of falling into the trap of the corporate media and the Hindutva brigade, who are now projecting him as a hero and an open-minded Maulana, Vastanwi must concentrate in the field he has been involved.
Lastly, he must understand that many criminals-turn-MPs (or MLAs) are ‘much better’ people’s representatives than honest and upright ones. They carry out more development works in their constituencies and are more responsive to the voters’ problems. Then by that logic, their achievements should be highlighted and they should be exonerated of all the crimes and dubbed as development-minded politicians.
Link:- http://twocircles.net/node/237126
Even in simple arithmetic Ahmedabad's rural children are found to be performing worse than supposed backward areas of rural Gujarat.
With due acknowledgment of Ghulam Mohammad Vastanwi’s contribution in the field of education in Gujarat and Maharashtra, one needs to remind him, that no country in the 20th century developed as fast in the six years period, between 1933 and 1939, as Adolf Hitler’s Germany. And in the next six years––between 1939 and 1945––all what he did was destroyed because of the senseless war in the world, for which he too was largely responsible. About five crore people perished and his country, and many others, were thrown back to the Stone Age.
So, before opening one’s mouth on development, one needs to understand, what development actually means––who are the beneficiaries and who the victims. One should also be cautious of the pitfalls of development and be aware of the policies which may, in the long-run prove counter-productive.
Maulana Ghulam Mohammad Vastanwi at a Madarsa in Bihar last year [Photo by Jamiatulqasim.com]
Hold your breath and listen: in this post-industrialized, computerized and mechanized world, a region, state or a country with less number of industries is categorized as developed. The service sector expands very fast there; the people rely on organic farming and want to live in pollution free environment in the rural suburb. Instead they are trying to shift all the iron ore, aluminum, asbestos, chemical, ship-breaking plants etc as well as other poison emitting factories to elsewhere in the world, especially in Asia and Africa, where labor is cheap and rulers have no regard for environment. Our leaders grab such industries with both hands to boast before the people that look we have brought so much Foreign Direct Investments (FDI).
Vastanwi’s Gujarat and Maharashtra are among the few states which are the ‘beneficiaries’ of these so-called investments. When new concept about development is coming up, we are still categorizing those states as developed ones, which have maximum number of poison-gushing chimneys. We are not at all ashamed to say that almost all of those 16,000-odd farmers, who are officially committing suicide in our country every year (since 1997 when the compilation of data started), come from these very industrialized states––Maharashtra topping the list. In contrast Jammu and Kashmir has almost negligible farmers’ suicide rate.
These states have industries because here semi-arid land is available and can be easily acquired from the farmers. In contrast farmers of West Bengal, Bihar and east Uttar Pradesh, where the land is extremely fertile would lay down their lives for every inch, whatever be the compensation. Because of this reason and not because of Narendra Modi, Nano got land easily in Gujarat while West Bengal failed in spite of so much bloodshed.
In contrast, the governments of these industrialized states have done little for the survival of their agriculture sector; therefore, the farmers are either committing suicide or famishing.
To know, how the concept of per capita income, growth rate etc are becoming less relevant in measuring the overall development of any place, one does not need to read big philosophical books of great scholars written on development. Just go through the CBSE Class-X book of Economics. Why Kerala is rated high on developmental index than Punjab, though the latter is agriculturally, even industrially and per capita income wise, ahead of former? This is simply because the definition of development by the United Nations Development Programme is more acceptable now than the old one of the World Bank.
Vastanwi must understand that his talent lies in running institutions and for this very purpose he was appointed as the Rector of Darul Uloom, Deoband.
But being a public figure he will have to understand that politics is a different ball game, for which he, and honestly speaking, many of our Muslim clerics are perhaps not suited. He must understand some basic facts about his own state and should not go about equating it with others abruptly. Being a state with largest coast, Gujarat as well as Maharashtra attracted largest number of big European companies in late 19th and early 20th centuries. Larsen and Toubro, Unilever, WIMCO, Britannia, Siemens and many others landed up on their ports and so was the first railway line, laid between Thane and Bombay.
The entrepreneur culture in Gujarat developed in 19th century itself and man like Abdullah took Gandhiji to South Africa. So far entrepreneur culture is concerned; Gujarat can never be compared with other hinterland states of India.
So, even according to his own definition, whatever development had taken place in Gujarat, is not any thing new. In fact, under Narendra Modi the growth rate––if this is again used as the lone yardstick of development––is less than in early 1990s, when there was no Modi around.
Two decades back, the growth rate of Gujarat was something between 12 and 13 per cent. The national average was six to seven per cent then. Today, Gujarat has the growth rate of 11 per cent when India’s rate of growth is 10 per cent. This is not the figment of anyone’s imagination but the official fact.
Vastanwi will have to understand that the saffron brigade is master in changing goal-post. Since Modi is responsible for what has happened in Gujarat in 2002, he is now being painted as the man of development. The media machinery of the BJP works overtime to project their chief ministers as the developmental-minded ones, even if men like B S yeddyurappa is out to ruin Karnataka, which owes its development to the non-BJP rulers.
Instead of falling into the trap of the corporate media and the Hindutva brigade, who are now projecting him as a hero and an open-minded Maulana, Vastanwi must concentrate in the field he has been involved.
Lastly, he must understand that many criminals-turn-MPs (or MLAs) are ‘much better’ people’s representatives than honest and upright ones. They carry out more development works in their constituencies and are more responsive to the voters’ problems. Then by that logic, their achievements should be highlighted and they should be exonerated of all the crimes and dubbed as development-minded politicians.
Link:- http://twocircles.net/node/237126
Hardly 25% of the deals signed during the Gujarat investors' summits since 2003 have been successful. The rest have remained on paper.
This has been the finding of an audit done by former chief minister and BJP leader Suresh Mehta.
"Of the 9,326 MoUs inked in the last four summits, only 844 translated into projects commissioned so far while 1,432 projects are under various stages of implementation," Mehta told HT. "This means only 25% of the MoUs have materialised."
During the summit in 2009, 8,660 MoUs were signed but only about 543 projects materialised while 1,238 are under implementation, the audit says.
One big project (Rs1.8 lakh crore) that did not materialise was supposed to be of a consortium of Hindustan Construction Company and Universal Success Enterprises, led by NRI Prasoon Mukherjee and the Shabir Bhatia group. They were to develop a township, power plant and port near Ahmedabad.
However, Mehta said Gujarat had traditionally been at the forefront in attracting moneybags, getting more than 20% of the investment in the country at any point of time, and that continued irrespective of whether such summits were held.
"In the early 1990s, Gujarat had become a front-ranking state, replacing Maharashtra in getting investments in industry. During that period, work started on the Reliance Industries refinery in Jamnagar, Essar's refinery, the expansion of the Hazira industrial area in south Gujarat near Surat and the General Motors manufacturing facility at Halol near Vadodara."
"Very good rainfall in the last seven years and the robust economy in the country have resulted in industrialised states like Gujarat achieving higher growth rates than the national average," he said.
An IIM-Ahmedabad professor, who did not want to be named, said, "The Vibrant Gujarat platform is meant for marketing the government's achievements by inflating figures of investment," he said.
This has been the finding of an audit done by former chief minister and BJP leader Suresh Mehta.
"Of the 9,326 MoUs inked in the last four summits, only 844 translated into projects commissioned so far while 1,432 projects are under various stages of implementation," Mehta told HT. "This means only 25% of the MoUs have materialised."
During the summit in 2009, 8,660 MoUs were signed but only about 543 projects materialised while 1,238 are under implementation, the audit says.
One big project (Rs1.8 lakh crore) that did not materialise was supposed to be of a consortium of Hindustan Construction Company and Universal Success Enterprises, led by NRI Prasoon Mukherjee and the Shabir Bhatia group. They were to develop a township, power plant and port near Ahmedabad.
However, Mehta said Gujarat had traditionally been at the forefront in attracting moneybags, getting more than 20% of the investment in the country at any point of time, and that continued irrespective of whether such summits were held.
"In the early 1990s, Gujarat had become a front-ranking state, replacing Maharashtra in getting investments in industry. During that period, work started on the Reliance Industries refinery in Jamnagar, Essar's refinery, the expansion of the Hazira industrial area in south Gujarat near Surat and the General Motors manufacturing facility at Halol near Vadodara."
"Very good rainfall in the last seven years and the robust economy in the country have resulted in industrialised states like Gujarat achieving higher growth rates than the national average," he said.
An IIM-Ahmedabad professor, who did not want to be named, said, "The Vibrant Gujarat platform is meant for marketing the government's achievements by inflating figures of investment," he said.
© Copyright 2010 Hindustan Times
Ahmedabad: Show piece or shame!
GANDHINAGAR: When Tata's Nano parked itself in Sanand, it promised to transform Gujarat into a global manufacturing hub. Especially, its immediate environment - rural Ahmedabad.
The district is looking at massive investments and job creation in the special investment region (SIR) extending up to Dholera.
Yet, the ability of rural Ahmedabad schools to produce students who would lap up these jobs is extremely doubtful. Shockingly, only 51.5 per cent children studying in village schools in Classes 3 to 5 can even read a Class 1 text and upwards.
The figures present a strange paradox of dismal levels of education around Ahmedabad, supposedly the powerhouse of Gujarat's march forward. While the state-level figures club Gujarat with the likes of Bihar, the district-wise break-up further betrays the complete disconnect between economic growth and the human development index within this 'progressive' state.
The performance of primary schools in rural Ahmedabad, in fact, is among the worst in Gujarat. Rural Ahmedabad falls in the league of tribal-dominated and backward regions of Vadodara, Dangs, Sabarkantha, Narmada and Kutch.
A report sponsored by Google, Oxfam and Unicef and prepared by NGO Pratham has found that Patan's report card is the best - 85.2 per cent of Class 3 to 5 primary school children can read Class 1 text. The performance of north Gujarat districts, with the exception of Sabarkantha, is better than the average.
Even the largely tribal Dahod district has performed better than rural Ahmedabad with 52.1 per cent.
The district is looking at massive investments and job creation in the special investment region (SIR) extending up to Dholera.
Yet, the ability of rural Ahmedabad schools to produce students who would lap up these jobs is extremely doubtful. Shockingly, only 51.5 per cent children studying in village schools in Classes 3 to 5 can even read a Class 1 text and upwards.
The figures present a strange paradox of dismal levels of education around Ahmedabad, supposedly the powerhouse of Gujarat's march forward. While the state-level figures club Gujarat with the likes of Bihar, the district-wise break-up further betrays the complete disconnect between economic growth and the human development index within this 'progressive' state.
The performance of primary schools in rural Ahmedabad, in fact, is among the worst in Gujarat. Rural Ahmedabad falls in the league of tribal-dominated and backward regions of Vadodara, Dangs, Sabarkantha, Narmada and Kutch.
A report sponsored by Google, Oxfam and Unicef and prepared by NGO Pratham has found that Patan's report card is the best - 85.2 per cent of Class 3 to 5 primary school children can read Class 1 text. The performance of north Gujarat districts, with the exception of Sabarkantha, is better than the average.
Even the largely tribal Dahod district has performed better than rural Ahmedabad with 52.1 per cent.
Even in simple arithmetic Ahmedabad's rural children are found to be performing worse than supposed backward areas of rural Gujarat.
Gujarat scores low in edu due to high dropout
GANDHINAGAR: Gujarat has dropped a notch in the national rankings of the Educational Development Index (EDI), largely because of the high dropout rates in classes VII and VIII . The state held the seventh rank in the index a decade ago but has now dropped to eighth.
This has come through in a Central government report which states that Gujarat improved overall index from 0.481to 0.545 on a scale of one, but its ranking slipped because many children were finding it difficult when they moved from the primary level to higher levels.
The report has been prepared by the Technical Advisory Committee (TAC), appointed by the central government, consisting of a dozen-odd experts from the Planning Commission, United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and central government officials. Its draft, 'Gendering Human Development Indices: Recasting GDI and GEM for India', has been submitted for publication. TAC member and director of Centre for Development Alternatives, Ahmedabad, Indira Hirway says Gujarat's dropout rate in classes VII and VIII is very low compared to many other states, which are way beyond in economic development. In fact, the state ranks a dismal 18th among 20 states on this count.
It was found that only 36.5 per cent children between the ages 15 and 19 went to educational institutions in Gujarat.
Even Bimaru states like Bihar (42.7 per cent), Rajasthan (40.8 per cent), Madhya Pradesh (41 per cent), and Uttar Pradesh (44.5 per cent) fare better when it comes to retaining children in higher levels in school.
Only Orissa and Andhra Pradesh with 29 per cent and 36.3 per cent, have been ranked below Gujarat. States like Himachal Pradesh with a whopping 72.2 per cent have performed the best, followed by Kerala's 68.7 per cent and Uttarakhand 63.3 per cent.
Going beyond primary school enrolment, EDI analyses a number of factors, including overall literacy rate, gender disparity, standard of education and percentage of people going into higher education to decide on rankings.
This has come through in a Central government report which states that Gujarat improved overall index from 0.481to 0.545 on a scale of one, but its ranking slipped because many children were finding it difficult when they moved from the primary level to higher levels.
The report has been prepared by the Technical Advisory Committee (TAC), appointed by the central government, consisting of a dozen-odd experts from the Planning Commission, United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and central government officials. Its draft, 'Gendering Human Development Indices: Recasting GDI and GEM for India', has been submitted for publication. TAC member and director of Centre for Development Alternatives, Ahmedabad, Indira Hirway says Gujarat's dropout rate in classes VII and VIII is very low compared to many other states, which are way beyond in economic development. In fact, the state ranks a dismal 18th among 20 states on this count.
It was found that only 36.5 per cent children between the ages 15 and 19 went to educational institutions in Gujarat.
Even Bimaru states like Bihar (42.7 per cent), Rajasthan (40.8 per cent), Madhya Pradesh (41 per cent), and Uttar Pradesh (44.5 per cent) fare better when it comes to retaining children in higher levels in school.
Only Orissa and Andhra Pradesh with 29 per cent and 36.3 per cent, have been ranked below Gujarat. States like Himachal Pradesh with a whopping 72.2 per cent have performed the best, followed by Kerala's 68.7 per cent and Uttarakhand 63.3 per cent.
Going beyond primary school enrolment, EDI analyses a number of factors, including overall literacy rate, gender disparity, standard of education and percentage of people going into higher education to decide on rankings.
The Truth about ‘VIBRANT GUJARAT’
While Gujarat government claims that Gujarat is number one state in terms of industrial development and general prosperity. The official data tells some other story.
Truth about the Investments
Against the tall claims of thriving industrial scenario, the fact is that during November 2005 to January 2006 (three months alone!) industrial projects worth Rs. 1516 crore were closed down.
While Gujarat ‘s position in terms of attracting direct foreign investment has gone down to number FIVE, its status remains on number ONE! in DEBT, even worse compared to states like Bihar and Andhra Pradesh.
According to National Sample Survey Organisation May 2005, each farmer in the state is reeling under a debt of Rs. 15526 in an overall population of more than 48 lakh farmers.
Status in terms of Approval of direct foreign Investment
(Jan. 97 to Sept. 05)
Sr. | State | Project sanctioned (in crores) |
1 | Maharashtra | 35757 |
2 | Karnatak | 22849 |
3 | Tamilnadu | 15605 |
4 | Andhra Pradesh | 14710 |
5 | GUJARAT | 13289 |
DEBT on Gujarat Government (31/5/05)
Sr. | State | Total Debt (in crores) |
1 | GUJARAT | 70228 |
2 | Karnatak | 46385 |
3 | Andhra Pradesh | 69892 |
4 | Bihar | 43011 |
5 | Kerala | 43523 |
6 | Tamilnadu | 50267 |
Gujarat stands on number ‘EIGHT’ in terms of providing minimum wages, below Kerala, Uttar Pradesh and Andhra Pradesh.
Minimum wages in Gujarat – 2005
Sr. | State | Minimum wage |
1 | Kerala | 72 Rs. To 174 Rs. |
2 | Maharashtra | 44 Rs. To 149 Rs. |
3 | Tamilnadu | 54 Rs. To 137 Rs. |
4 | Uttar Pradesh | 57 Rs. To 110 Rs. |
5 | West Bengal | 44 Rs. To 123 Rs. |
6 | Andhra Pradesh | 45 Rs. To 110 Rs. |
7 | Union territories | 61 Rs. To 115 Rs. |
8 | GUJARAT | 50 Rs. To 99 Rs. |
In terms of Six Fundamental Indicators of Population status, Health, Basic Amenities, Education, Unemployment& Poverty and Social Deprivation, Gujarat has infact gone down to number ELEVEN according to 2001 Census as compared to number FIVE in 1991 census in the rural areas.
Similarly it has gone down to number EIGHT as compared to number SEVEN with respect to urban areas.
Condition of Dalits and Tribals
In answer to a starred question in the legislative assembly, it was stated that in the three years till 30 June 2006, 100 dalits have been murdered.
During 2005-06 alone, 21 murder cases, 78 grievous injury, 414 simple injury and 56 cases of rape were filed under the Atrocities Act.
How safe are women in ‘Woman friendly Gujarat’?
The image of a ‘woman-friendly Gujarat’ comes under a sharp scanner with the facts given below:
Gujarat has reached number FIVE in having WORST SEX RATIO records with the ratio going down to 879 in 2001 census compared to 928 in 1991.
The state home minister has admitted that the “ Cases of Suicide & Murder of women have been on the rise, because of such reason like Prevalence of Dowry system, superstition and moral decadence”.
In the year 2005-06, 323 women were murdered, 264 cases were filed for sexual harassment against them, 350 cases of rape, 789 cases of kidnapping, 1835 cases of suicides were reported among women. This data does not include dowry deaths, abetment to suicide and accidental deaths of women which is already high in the state.
The Infant Mortality Rate for women is 61 in 2003, compared to 52 in Punjab and 41 in Tamilnadu, the two other states with bad track records vis-à-vis women.
Source: Kehvata number one mukhyamantrina vahivatma Gujaratni biji bajuni ketleek hakikato and other documents
STOP FOOLING PEOPLE ABOUT THE MYTH OF VIBRANT GUJARAT!!!
State of Economy in Gujarat:
What the State Government is telling people and what is it telling inside the state assembly and through its authorised documents
The problem with the data furnished by the state govt. is at two levels: one, very often there is a discrepancy in what it is telling people about the state of economy and what it is admitting through its authorised information channels. Second, even within the progress list of what it is admitting officially, one never gets to know whom is it really meant for?
The important thing to note then is that facts first of all are being fictionalised and secondly, they need to be interpreted within the given context of how it is relatively affecting different segments of the people.
Here are a few samples:
Growth Rate
The Chief Minister recently claimed that the economic growth rate of the state is 12.17 per cent and that it is 3 % higher than the national average of 9 per cent. On the other hand, if one goes by the latest 'Review of Socio-economic status in Gujarat 2006-07' released by the govt., it is only 8.11%, significantly lower than the national average.
By its own admission it also admitted that the total debt on the state has reached to the tune of Rs 95,000 crores compared to Rs 70,228 crores in 2005 (NSSO May '05), highest among all the states. What it means is that in a population of roughly five crore, each citizen is under a debt of approximately 19,000 rupees. It definitely doesn't augur well for the 'identity of five crore Gujaratis' about whom the Chief Minister is concerned day and night.
Poverty
Talking about poverty it is important to note that each state has its own criteria for declaring the index or threshold for Below Poverty Line in both rural and urban areas. Hence it has declared a threshold of Rs 353.93 per capita per month for the rural areas. It is interesting to note that it is lower than 15 states of India which include poor states like Jharkhand. Similarly, it has declared a threshold of Rs 541.16 pre capita per month in the urban areas, again lower than 12 other states. It is curious to note that a state which boasts of Rs 16,000 as the average per capita income, will have such low levels of indexes to declare the poor. It has hence very conveniently obliterated a large range of needy from the list of BPL. Obviously the very idea of earning Rs 542 per month in urban areas and not being declared as poor sounds like a cruel joke played on a large segment of people.
Talking about poverty it is important to note that each state has its own criteria for declaring the index or threshold for Below Poverty Line in both rural and urban areas. Hence it has declared a threshold of Rs 353.93 per capita per month for the rural areas. It is interesting to note that it is lower than 15 states of India which include poor states like Jharkhand. Similarly, it has declared a threshold of Rs 541.16 pre capita per month in the urban areas, again lower than 12 other states. It is curious to note that a state which boasts of Rs 16,000 as the average per capita income, will have such low levels of indexes to declare the poor. It has hence very conveniently obliterated a large range of needy from the list of BPL. Obviously the very idea of earning Rs 542 per month in urban areas and not being declared as poor sounds like a cruel joke played on a large segment of people.
Further, despite such low BPL threshold, the latest Planning Commission figures suggest that there is a widening gulf between the rural and the urban sectors of the state. Hence BPL population in the rural areas is more than the urban areas, both in percentage and in absolute terms. In this respect, Gujarat is in league of states like Bihar, Himachal Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal, Jharkhand and the seven states of North-East and not with advanced states like Maharashtra, Karnataka and even Rajasthan. The state has 63.49 lakh (19.1% of the rural population) BPL people in the rural areas as compared to 27.19 lakh (13% of the urban population).
The latest NSSO data suggests that the rank of the state in this respect is lower than even Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Delhi, Goa, Haryana, Jammu & Kashmir, Karnataka, Kerala, M.P., Maharashtra and Rajasthan. While the percentage of such population has declined marginally in the rural areas, it has increased in absolute numbers.
And this is the state where per capita income is higher than the national average!
Employment and Agriculture
According to the census of 2001, roughly 46% population of the state is dependent upon agriculture (27.67% cultivators and 17.91% agricultural labourers). Together they contribute only 15% to the state's Gross Domestic Product while Industry contributes 39% and Services sector contributes 46%. It is hence not surprising that there is a gradual decline in food grain production (from 65.71 lakh tonnes in 2003-04 to 51.53 lakh tonnes in 2004-05). While the obvious reasons for these include more investment on cash crops and a shift to other tertiary sectors, it also raises a serious question about food security for the marginalised people.
This is also no surprise then that in another survey conducted by NSSO (July 2005) approximately 40% of the farmers in the state said that given an option they would like to shift from agriculture. It has also been brought out in the recent studies that both agriculture and labour have suffered extensively in the last decade or so while investments have shifted to industries. This is all the more serious as there is no fall back system being provided for the people dependent on agriculture for their survival.
May 2005 NSSO data also says that each of the 48 lakh farmers in the state was reeling under a debt of Rs 15,526.
Another indicator for the same is evinced in a reply given by the Chief Minister in the state assembly that in one year up to 31 January 2007, 148 farmers had committed suicide in the state. It's a different matter that the reasons attributed for this ranged from mental illness, family matters to inclement weather, all except poverty. Though, 'inclement weather' would actually mean crop failure, is obviously swept aside.
Its clear how, in the name of the rhetoric of 'Vibrant Gujarat' (and now 'Nirmal Gujarat'), state has gone into a denial mode all together just like in the case of Gujarat 2002 pogroms of the Muslims.
Investment and Industries
Water
Sardar Sarovar Pariyojana on Narmada waters has been widely debated over the years. It had envisaged in its master plan to supply water to the drought-hit areas of Kutch, Saurashtra, N. Gujarat and Panchmahals by 2021. Only recently CAG (Comptroller and Auditor General) report took serious note of the fact that a completely unauthorised sub-plan was added to it later on and water to the tune of 255 MLD (million litres per day) was diverted to Gandhinagar and water intensive industries of Kutch. What is further atrocious to know is that while the need for Gandhinagar was estimated to be around 49 MLD, it was allocated 90 MLD water, almost double. So while the original targets of the project wait endlessly for the water, the ruling elite continues to highjack all that is available in the name of public benefits.
Ecology/SEZ
The point above has another linkage. A recent Forest Department report indicated that thanks to the coming of Special Economic Zones and water intensive industries, the mangroves (second largest after Sundarbans in W.Bengal) in the coastal areas of Saurashtra and Kutch are disappearing fast. Mangroves are supposed to be essential for nurturing marine life, protecting against tides and soil erosion and extremely vital for ecologically fragile zones like Kutch. What is happening instead is that in a place like Mundra (a SEZ of 13,000 hectares of land with a mangrove area of over 3,000 hectares), 340 square kilometres of mangroves have disappeared overnight. Secondly, water-intensive industries like cement, chemical fertilizers, pharmaceuticals are being promoted in a region dying of thirst. It is obvious then why the water from Narmada Pariyojana is being shifted and to whom.
Hence the development pattern is so skewed that it is not happening only at the cost of agriculture but even at the cost of ecology.
Poverty alleviation: rhetoric versus reality
The govt. never tires of telling that how it is working endlessly to end the poverty of the people, not least by declaring those unfit who otherwise would be designated extremely poor in any other place, as mentioned above. What is indeed ironical is that in a 'super-rich state' like Gujarat, Dangs, in South Gujarat has been officially declared the poorest district in India. Moreover, recent survey reports tell that under the recently rolled out National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (NREGS), the state govt. has not been able to utilise even half of Rs 22 crores allocated to it. The reason given for this is even more bizarre. According to the official explanation, it has been due to the fact that there are only four officials left to implement the programme in the entire district. Nothing could be more apt for a description of criminal negligence!!!
Last but not the least! Recently the Chief Minister announced a combined package of Rs 39, 000 cores (Rs 15,000 crores for the tribals, Rs 13,000 crores for the urban slums and Rs 11,000 crores for the fishermen) for the upliftment of specific segments of poor population. While it is evident what it means in an election year, it was little noticed that for a programme to be rolled out in the next five years, the state govt. itself admitted in the assembly, that it had made no provision for any of these schemes in the recent annual budget of Rs 43,000 crores.
So much for the rhetoric of Vibrant Gujarat!!!
शायद ही कोई मुख्यमंत्री वह कर पाये जो उन्होंने कर दिखाया है. पिटे हुए, आतंकित और आर्थिक रूप से बर्बाद हो चुके मुसलमानों को उन्होंने राहत शिविरों में भी नहीं रहने दिया. राहत शिविर बंद करवा दिए.
आज भी गुजरात में पांच लाख मुसलमान नारकीय परिस्थितियों में रहने के लिए मजबूर हैं. उनकी बस्तियों में राज्य सरकार और स्थानीय संस्थाएं कोई सुविधाएं उपलब्ध नहीं करवा रही हैं. गुजरात के मध्यम वर्ग का एक हिस्सा समृध्द हुआ है परंतु उसकी कीमत गरीब तबके ने और गरीब होकर चुकाई है. लेकिन मोदी की ''उपलब्धियों'' की सूची यहीं खत्म नहीं होती.
गुजरात में गरीबी बढ रही है. रोजगार के अवसर कम हुए हैं और कृषि उत्पादन घट रहा है. सकल कृषि उत्पादन सन् 2003-04 में 65.71 लाख टन था जो 2004-05 में घटकर 51.53 लाख टन रह गया. ''नेशनल सेम्पल सर्वे'' द्वारा सन् 2005 में कराए गए एक सर्वेक्षण के अनुसार गुजरात के 40 प्रतिशत किसानों का कहना है कि वे खेती छोड़ना चाहते हैं.
हाल में किए गए कुछ अध्ययन बताते हैं कि पिछले एक दशक में खेती और मजदूरी करने वाले वर्ग की स्थिति बद से बदतर हुई है. विधानसभा में एक प्रश्न का उत्तर देते हुए मोदी ने बताया कि सन् 2006 में प्रदेश में 148 किसानों ने आत्महत्या की. जहाँ एक ओर गुजरात बिजली का निर्यात कर रहा है, वहीं गुजरात के ही ग्रामीण क्षेत्रों में बिजली की भारी कमी है. ''इंडियन एक्सप्रेस'' (8 अप्रैल, 2007) के अनुसार गुजरात में बिजली की माँग और आपूर्ति के बीच 900 मेगावाट का अंतर है. इस कमी को गाँव वाले भुगत रहे हैं.
''एनीमिया'' (रक्त अल्पता) की व्यापकता किसी भी समाज में व्याप्त गरीबी का महत्वपूर्ण माप है. गुजरात में ''एनीमिया'' की शिकार महिलाओं का प्रतिशत सन् 1999 में 46.3 से बढकर सन् 2004 में 55.5 हो गया (राष्ट्रीय परिवार स्वास्थ्य सर्वेक्षण- 2006- चौथा दौर) . बच्चों की हालत तो और खराब है. इसी दौरान खून की कमी वाले बच्चों का प्रतिशत 74.5 से बढकर 80 हो गया. दलितों और महिलाओं की स्थिति में भी गिरावट आ रही है और पिछले दशक में लिंगानुपात गिरा है. आदिवासियों की हालत भी कोई बहुत अच्छी नहीं है.
मोदी के शासनकाल में ईसाईयों के खिलाफ जमकर हिंसा हुई. आदिवासी क्षेत्रों में वनवासी कल्याण आश्रम के ''घर वापसी'' अभियान ने जमकर कहर ढाया. मोदी के गुजरात में अल्पसंख्यक और बहुसंख्यक वर्ग के बीच की खाई इतनी चौड़ी हो गई है कि उसे पाटना अब असंभव जान पड़ता है.
यह सही है कि राज्य में आर्थिक विकास के काम भी हुए हैं परंतु हमें यह भी याद रखना चाहिए कि गुजरात हमेशा से देश के अपेक्षाकृत विकसित राज्यों में से एक रहा है.
जहाँ तक आतंकवाद का सवाल है, अक्षरधाम मंदिर पर आतंकी हमला मोदी के मुख्यमंत्री रहते ही हुआ था. यह अलग बात है कि इस हमले ने उन्हें अगला चुनाव जीतने में मदद की. कुछ समय बाद, अपना सीना फुलाकर मोदी ने यह कहना शुरू कर दिया कि आतंकवादी उनके राज्य में कदम भी नहीं रख सकते. उनके इस दावे का खोखलापन पिछले माह उजागर हुआ जब अहमदाबाद में बम विस्फोट हुए.
अब उन्होंने यह यह कहना शुरू कर दिया है कि वे आतंकवाद से इसलिए नहीं लड़ पा रहे हैं क्योंकि उनके पास प्रभावी कानून नहीं है. ये झूठ वे इसलिए कह रहे हैं ताकि उनके बड़बोडेपन की हवा न निकल जाए. मोदी हर मौके का इस्तेमाल अपना व्यक्तिगत प्रचार करने के लिए करते रहे हैं. इस काम में मीडिया का एक हिस्सा उनका भरपूर साथ देता है.
गुजरात में जो कुछ आज हो रहा है, वह सबके सामने है. गुजरात में अल्पसंख्यकों को आतंकित और अपमानित किया जाता है. गुजरात में ऐसी नीतियाँ अपनाई जाती हैं जो मध्यम और उच्च वर्ग की जेंबे और भरती हैं. जहाँ तक अल्पसंख्यकों और गरीबों का सवाल है, उन्हें घर के पिछवाड़े फेंक दिया गया है, जहाँ उन्हें कोई देख न सके.
कोई आश्चर्य नहीं की रतन टाटा और उनके जैसे अन्य लोग मोदी के प्रशंसक हैं. उनके लिए गुजरात के चेहरे पर लगी कालिख का कोई महत्व नहीं है. उन्हें इस बात से कोई वास्ता नहीं है कि गुजरात में प्रजातांत्रिक परंपराओं और मूल्यों का मखौल बनाया जा रहा है. उन्हें तो सिर्फ एक चीज से मतलब है- उनकी कंपनियों की बैलेन्स शीटों से.
विकास वो हो जिसमें सब आगे बढें, विकास वो हो जो समग्र हो, जिसमें बेहतर शिक्षा, बेहतर स्वास्थ्य सुविधाएं, बेहतर सड़कें और बेहतर जीवन-स्तर तो शामिल हो ही, उसमें सभी को बराबरी का दर्जा और इज्जत से जीने का हक भी मिले. इन सब मुद्दों से टाटा और उनके क्लब के सदस्यों को कोई वास्ता नहीं है. उनका दृष्टिकोण वही है जो जर्मनी के उद्योगपतियों का हिटलर के प्रति था.
उद्योगपतियों ने हिटलर का जमकर साथ दिया था. हिटलर प्रजातंत्र का दुश्मन है, इससे उद्योगपतियों को कोई मतलब नहीं था. शायद यही कारण है कि आशीष नंदी सहित कई गंभीर चिंतकों ने मोदी को फासिस्ट नेता के सभी लक्षणों से युक्त व्यक्ति बताया है.
सन् 2002 के मुसलमानों के कत्लेआम और उसके बाद ईसाईयों पर सिलसिलेवार हमलों ने पहले ही गुजरात को धार्मिक तानाशाही के रास्ते पर धकेल दिया है. मोदी स्वयं को अत्यधिक कार्य-कुशल और अनुशासित व्यक्ति मानते हैं.
किसी भी व्यक्ति का आकलन उसकी नीतियों और उसके कार्यकलापों के एक छोटे से हिस्से के आधार पर नहीं किया जाना चाहिए. क्या भारत जैसे धर्मनिरपेक्ष प्रजातंत्र में उच्च पद पर बैठे किसी भी व्यक्ति के समग्र आंकलन में प्रजातांत्रिक मूल्यों और संविधान के प्रति उसकी निष्ठा को महत्व नहीं दिया जाना चाहिए?
''मेनेजमेन्ट गुरूओं'' और धनकुबेरों को तो हिटलर के साथ बैठने में भी कोई गुरेज़ नहीं होगा. कष्ट तो वंचितों, कमजोरों और गरीबों को भोगने पड़ेंगे. ऐसे व्यक्ति के बारे में क्या कहा जाए जो समाज को ध्रुवीकृत कर सत्ता में आए और समाज के एक बड़े हिस्से को आतंकित और दु:खी रखकर, अच्छा शासक होने का दम भरे.
मोदी का महिमा-मंडन आने वाले बुरे दिनों का संकेत है. शायद वह काला दिन दूर नहीं जो हमारी बहुवादी संस्कृति और स्वाधीनता संग्राम के मूल्यों को निगल जाएगा.
मोदी के विकास का सच
राम पुनियानी
नैनो के गुजरात आने को नरेन्द्र मोदी की बड़ी उपलब्धि के रूप में प्रस्तुत किया जा रहा है. मीडिया के एक हिस्से द्वारा किए जा रहे मोदी के अनवरत स्तुति-गान और विकास की एक विशेष परिभाषा में विश्वास करने वाले तबके के अंधसमर्थन से मोदी की लोकप्रियता पहले ही आकाश चूम रही थी. अब तो मोदी के प्रशंसकों को मानो पंख लग गए हैं. उद्योग जगत की कुछ हस्तियों ने तो यह तक कह दिया है कि मोदी ही देश का भविष्य हैं और यदि देश में पांच मोदी हो जाएं तो देश समृध्दि के रास्ते पर जगुआर रेसिंग कार की गति से दौड़ने लगेगा.
यह भी कहा जा रहा है कि मोदी ने आतंकवाद से निबटने का रास्ता देश को दिखा दिया है और वो आतंकवाद की समस्या को सुलझाने में सक्षम हैं.
बिना इस बहस में पड़े कि ''विकास'' की सही परिभाषा क्या है और किस चीज को ''विकास'' माना जाना चाहिए, हम पहले मोदी की ''उपलब्धियों'' और गुजरात में उनके ''ट्रेक रिकार्ड'' पर नजर डाल लें. मोदी वही व्यक्ति हैं, जिन्होंने गुजरात को प्रजातंत्र के रास्ते पर ले जाने की बजाए ''हिन्दू राष्ट्र'' बनाने की ओर ले जाने में सबसे महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका निभाई है. गोधरा को मुसलमानों की ''सोची-समझी साजिश'' बताकर गुजरात में अल्पसंख्यकों का सामूहिक जनसंहार करवाना उनकी पहली बड़ी ''उपलब्धि'' है. अपने प्रदेश के मुसलमानों को दूसरे दर्जे का नागरिक बना देना उनकी दूसरी महत्वपूर्ण ''उपलब्धि'' है.
यह भी कहा जा रहा है कि मोदी ने आतंकवाद से निबटने का रास्ता देश को दिखा दिया है और वो आतंकवाद की समस्या को सुलझाने में सक्षम हैं.
बिना इस बहस में पड़े कि ''विकास'' की सही परिभाषा क्या है और किस चीज को ''विकास'' माना जाना चाहिए, हम पहले मोदी की ''उपलब्धियों'' और गुजरात में उनके ''ट्रेक रिकार्ड'' पर नजर डाल लें. मोदी वही व्यक्ति हैं, जिन्होंने गुजरात को प्रजातंत्र के रास्ते पर ले जाने की बजाए ''हिन्दू राष्ट्र'' बनाने की ओर ले जाने में सबसे महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका निभाई है. गोधरा को मुसलमानों की ''सोची-समझी साजिश'' बताकर गुजरात में अल्पसंख्यकों का सामूहिक जनसंहार करवाना उनकी पहली बड़ी ''उपलब्धि'' है. अपने प्रदेश के मुसलमानों को दूसरे दर्जे का नागरिक बना देना उनकी दूसरी महत्वपूर्ण ''उपलब्धि'' है.
| गुजरात में ''एनीमिया'' की शिकार महिलाओं का प्रतिशत सन् 1999 में 46.3 से बढकर सन् 2004 में 55.5 हो गया. बच्चों की हालत तो और खराब है. इसी दौरान खून की कमी वाले बच्चों का प्रतिशत 74.5 से बढकर 80 हो गया. |
शायद ही कोई मुख्यमंत्री वह कर पाये जो उन्होंने कर दिखाया है. पिटे हुए, आतंकित और आर्थिक रूप से बर्बाद हो चुके मुसलमानों को उन्होंने राहत शिविरों में भी नहीं रहने दिया. राहत शिविर बंद करवा दिए.
आज भी गुजरात में पांच लाख मुसलमान नारकीय परिस्थितियों में रहने के लिए मजबूर हैं. उनकी बस्तियों में राज्य सरकार और स्थानीय संस्थाएं कोई सुविधाएं उपलब्ध नहीं करवा रही हैं. गुजरात के मध्यम वर्ग का एक हिस्सा समृध्द हुआ है परंतु उसकी कीमत गरीब तबके ने और गरीब होकर चुकाई है. लेकिन मोदी की ''उपलब्धियों'' की सूची यहीं खत्म नहीं होती.
गुजरात में गरीबी बढ रही है. रोजगार के अवसर कम हुए हैं और कृषि उत्पादन घट रहा है. सकल कृषि उत्पादन सन् 2003-04 में 65.71 लाख टन था जो 2004-05 में घटकर 51.53 लाख टन रह गया. ''नेशनल सेम्पल सर्वे'' द्वारा सन् 2005 में कराए गए एक सर्वेक्षण के अनुसार गुजरात के 40 प्रतिशत किसानों का कहना है कि वे खेती छोड़ना चाहते हैं.
हाल में किए गए कुछ अध्ययन बताते हैं कि पिछले एक दशक में खेती और मजदूरी करने वाले वर्ग की स्थिति बद से बदतर हुई है. विधानसभा में एक प्रश्न का उत्तर देते हुए मोदी ने बताया कि सन् 2006 में प्रदेश में 148 किसानों ने आत्महत्या की. जहाँ एक ओर गुजरात बिजली का निर्यात कर रहा है, वहीं गुजरात के ही ग्रामीण क्षेत्रों में बिजली की भारी कमी है. ''इंडियन एक्सप्रेस'' (8 अप्रैल, 2007) के अनुसार गुजरात में बिजली की माँग और आपूर्ति के बीच 900 मेगावाट का अंतर है. इस कमी को गाँव वाले भुगत रहे हैं.
''एनीमिया'' (रक्त अल्पता) की व्यापकता किसी भी समाज में व्याप्त गरीबी का महत्वपूर्ण माप है. गुजरात में ''एनीमिया'' की शिकार महिलाओं का प्रतिशत सन् 1999 में 46.3 से बढकर सन् 2004 में 55.5 हो गया (राष्ट्रीय परिवार स्वास्थ्य सर्वेक्षण- 2006- चौथा दौर) . बच्चों की हालत तो और खराब है. इसी दौरान खून की कमी वाले बच्चों का प्रतिशत 74.5 से बढकर 80 हो गया. दलितों और महिलाओं की स्थिति में भी गिरावट आ रही है और पिछले दशक में लिंगानुपात गिरा है. आदिवासियों की हालत भी कोई बहुत अच्छी नहीं है.
मोदी के शासनकाल में ईसाईयों के खिलाफ जमकर हिंसा हुई. आदिवासी क्षेत्रों में वनवासी कल्याण आश्रम के ''घर वापसी'' अभियान ने जमकर कहर ढाया. मोदी के गुजरात में अल्पसंख्यक और बहुसंख्यक वर्ग के बीच की खाई इतनी चौड़ी हो गई है कि उसे पाटना अब असंभव जान पड़ता है.
यह सही है कि राज्य में आर्थिक विकास के काम भी हुए हैं परंतु हमें यह भी याद रखना चाहिए कि गुजरात हमेशा से देश के अपेक्षाकृत विकसित राज्यों में से एक रहा है.
जहाँ तक आतंकवाद का सवाल है, अक्षरधाम मंदिर पर आतंकी हमला मोदी के मुख्यमंत्री रहते ही हुआ था. यह अलग बात है कि इस हमले ने उन्हें अगला चुनाव जीतने में मदद की. कुछ समय बाद, अपना सीना फुलाकर मोदी ने यह कहना शुरू कर दिया कि आतंकवादी उनके राज्य में कदम भी नहीं रख सकते. उनके इस दावे का खोखलापन पिछले माह उजागर हुआ जब अहमदाबाद में बम विस्फोट हुए.
अब उन्होंने यह यह कहना शुरू कर दिया है कि वे आतंकवाद से इसलिए नहीं लड़ पा रहे हैं क्योंकि उनके पास प्रभावी कानून नहीं है. ये झूठ वे इसलिए कह रहे हैं ताकि उनके बड़बोडेपन की हवा न निकल जाए. मोदी हर मौके का इस्तेमाल अपना व्यक्तिगत प्रचार करने के लिए करते रहे हैं. इस काम में मीडिया का एक हिस्सा उनका भरपूर साथ देता है.
गुजरात में जो कुछ आज हो रहा है, वह सबके सामने है. गुजरात में अल्पसंख्यकों को आतंकित और अपमानित किया जाता है. गुजरात में ऐसी नीतियाँ अपनाई जाती हैं जो मध्यम और उच्च वर्ग की जेंबे और भरती हैं. जहाँ तक अल्पसंख्यकों और गरीबों का सवाल है, उन्हें घर के पिछवाड़े फेंक दिया गया है, जहाँ उन्हें कोई देख न सके.
कोई आश्चर्य नहीं की रतन टाटा और उनके जैसे अन्य लोग मोदी के प्रशंसक हैं. उनके लिए गुजरात के चेहरे पर लगी कालिख का कोई महत्व नहीं है. उन्हें इस बात से कोई वास्ता नहीं है कि गुजरात में प्रजातांत्रिक परंपराओं और मूल्यों का मखौल बनाया जा रहा है. उन्हें तो सिर्फ एक चीज से मतलब है- उनकी कंपनियों की बैलेन्स शीटों से.
विकास वो हो जिसमें सब आगे बढें, विकास वो हो जो समग्र हो, जिसमें बेहतर शिक्षा, बेहतर स्वास्थ्य सुविधाएं, बेहतर सड़कें और बेहतर जीवन-स्तर तो शामिल हो ही, उसमें सभी को बराबरी का दर्जा और इज्जत से जीने का हक भी मिले. इन सब मुद्दों से टाटा और उनके क्लब के सदस्यों को कोई वास्ता नहीं है. उनका दृष्टिकोण वही है जो जर्मनी के उद्योगपतियों का हिटलर के प्रति था.
उद्योगपतियों ने हिटलर का जमकर साथ दिया था. हिटलर प्रजातंत्र का दुश्मन है, इससे उद्योगपतियों को कोई मतलब नहीं था. शायद यही कारण है कि आशीष नंदी सहित कई गंभीर चिंतकों ने मोदी को फासिस्ट नेता के सभी लक्षणों से युक्त व्यक्ति बताया है.
सन् 2002 के मुसलमानों के कत्लेआम और उसके बाद ईसाईयों पर सिलसिलेवार हमलों ने पहले ही गुजरात को धार्मिक तानाशाही के रास्ते पर धकेल दिया है. मोदी स्वयं को अत्यधिक कार्य-कुशल और अनुशासित व्यक्ति मानते हैं.
किसी भी व्यक्ति का आकलन उसकी नीतियों और उसके कार्यकलापों के एक छोटे से हिस्से के आधार पर नहीं किया जाना चाहिए. क्या भारत जैसे धर्मनिरपेक्ष प्रजातंत्र में उच्च पद पर बैठे किसी भी व्यक्ति के समग्र आंकलन में प्रजातांत्रिक मूल्यों और संविधान के प्रति उसकी निष्ठा को महत्व नहीं दिया जाना चाहिए?
''मेनेजमेन्ट गुरूओं'' और धनकुबेरों को तो हिटलर के साथ बैठने में भी कोई गुरेज़ नहीं होगा. कष्ट तो वंचितों, कमजोरों और गरीबों को भोगने पड़ेंगे. ऐसे व्यक्ति के बारे में क्या कहा जाए जो समाज को ध्रुवीकृत कर सत्ता में आए और समाज के एक बड़े हिस्से को आतंकित और दु:खी रखकर, अच्छा शासक होने का दम भरे.
मोदी का महिमा-मंडन आने वाले बुरे दिनों का संकेत है. शायद वह काला दिन दूर नहीं जो हमारी बहुवादी संस्कृति और स्वाधीनता संग्राम के मूल्यों को निगल जाएगा.
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